2019年12月28日星期六
2019年12月2日星期一
2019年11月28日星期四
2019年11月26日星期二
2019年11月18日星期一
2019年11月9日星期六
2019年9月16日星期一
2019年9月13日星期五
文字：路透社最新曝光林郑内部讲话完整版：包括问答部分
CARRIE LAM:
In the last two years, one of the policy areas that I have spent most time in is innovation and technology. Now, I actually personally chair the steering committee.
In less than three months’ time, Hong Kong has been turned upside down, and my life has been turned upside down. But this is not the moment for self-pitifulness, although I shared with [name redacted] that nowadays it’s extremely difficult for me to go out. I have not been on the streets, not in the shopping malls, can’t go to a hair salon, can’t do anything because my whereabouts will be spread around the social media, the Telegram, the LIHKG, and you could expect a big crowd of black T-shirts and black-masked young people waiting for me.
I’m still brave enough to go and this afternoon, I’m still planning to go if my security guards tell me later on that I can still go. But it’s really, I don’t want to cause disruption, inconvenience to the organizers. But as I said, this is not the time for me to self-pity myself. This is a time I come here, and I do other closed-door sessions from time to time with people from all walks of life, and the two things I said is, it’s not about self-pityness, it’s about making a plea for forgiveness and then appeal for love.
I don’t want to spend your time, or waste your time, for you to ask me what went wrong, and why it went wrong. But for a chief executive to have caused this huge havoc to Hong Kong is unforgivable. It’s just unforgivable. If I have a choice, the first thing is to quit, having made a deep apology, is to step down. So I make a plea to you for your forgiveness.
This is something that no matter how well intended, I just want to put this message across. This is not something malicious. This is not something instructed, coerced by the central government. This is out of a good intention, myself and some of my key colleagues to try to plug legal loopholes in Hong Kong’s system, very much prompted by our compassion for a single case, and this has proven to be very unwise given the circumstances. And this huge degree of fear and anxiety amongst people of Hong Kong vis-a-vis the mainland of China, which we were not sensitive enough to feel and grasp. And, of course, it has been exaggerated and misrepresented through very effective propaganda, if I may say so.
Now I want to make an appeal for love. It’s not to pity me, or to sympathize with me, but love for Hong Kong. And I’m sure [name redacted] have that strong passion and love for Hong Kong.
Then the question we need to ask, each one of us, is how to fix it, how to fix it? I have to say that I have no sort of ready solutions, because the scene changes so quickly. A week ago, we thought - ‘we’ means the core group within the government with some of our advisers – we thought that we have a relatively peaceful weekend, perhaps that’s the time to start a dialogue with sincerity, with humility, and trying to get some of Hong Kong’s fundamental issues resolved. But, unfortunately, the last two days have again totally thrown that away and we are seeing escalated violence to the degree of being insane. If you look at some of these TV footage and videos of how policemen have been attacked and so on.
But, of course, I’m sure in your hearts you will feel, and I’m sure a large number of people feel that I do have a solution, that is a political one. But I have to tell you that this is where the crux of the matter lies. Once an issue has been elevated to the situation – I’m sure [name redacted] has a better feel of that – to a national level, to a sort of sovereignty and security level, let alone in the midst of this sort of unprecedented tension between the two big economies in the world. The room, the political room for the chief executive who, unfortunately, has to serve two masters by constitution, that is the central people’s government and the people of Hong Kong, that political room for maneuvering is very, very, very limited. Because we were not trained to have that sort of national perspectives, and I could only keep on putting in what I feel is the Hong Kong situation and the Hong Kong sentiments. But whether those Hong Kong sentiments could override the national perspective and the national sentiments? I’m sure you know that now 1.4 billion mainland people already have formed a view about what is happening in Hong Kong. So, without going into a lot more details, I can only share with you discreetly that the room for me to offer a political situation in order to relieve the tension, nor to reduce the pressure on my frontline police officers in order to at least respond, or pacify the large number of peaceful protesters who are so angry with the government, with me in particular, of absolutely dead silence despite repeated participation in the protests, is what causes me the biggest sadness.
So without that, what other means we have is Hong Kong’s core value, that is the rule of law. The rule of law takes several forms, of course law enforcement, our police officers who have been suffering tremendously this time, especially on an occasion when they are supposed to celebrate 175 years of police establishment, and especially at a time when they were so proud of the crime figures which are still coming down. In fact, the first half year we still saw a drop of four percent in total crimes in Hong Kong, and that was the best seen in Hong Kong since 1972. And also they have commissioned a survey to commemorate this occasion done not by a pro-establishment group but by [name redacted], which indicated that confidence in the police after Occupy Central has rebounced to a historic high. That was the sort of background to how much the police have suffered.
So the rule of law requires law enforcement, so we have to tackle this escalating violence by arresting those offenders and then put them through the justice system, whether it’s prosecution by the Department of Justice in an impartial manner without any interference from myself or from the Central People’s government, and then finally in the courts.
With a little bit of hope that may help because we are seeing the numbers reducing. We started off by an estimate of about one to two thousand protesters who are very violent. Or put it that way, they are very willing to resort to violence. They may not be violent by nature but they are very willing to resort to violence, so, as described by one expert, this is the, sort of, early signs of anarchism, that they don’t trust the establishment, they don’t mind destroying things even if they don’t know what destruction will bring.
And if you look at yesterday’s various protests, it’s not only in the Tsuen Wan, Kwai Chung area, but then it spread to Tsim Sha Tsui, Sham Shui Po, Wong Tai Sin. Every spot of confrontations, we’re talking about 50 to 300 at least, and they, actually because they were flowing so there could be some duplicates, so we might be seeing a smaller number. Whether it’s because of the 700-plus arrests that we have made has a bit of deterrent effect, or removed some of these factions, we have not had a full analysis, but we hope that with those efforts we may be able, as I said, I’ll be very honest with you, it would be naïve for me to paint you a rosy picture, that things will be fine or I have a deadline. But I can assure you that Beijing does not have a deadline. They know this will ripple on. So we have made special arrangements and there will be a 1st of October National Day celebrations but still having a lot of disruptions. So we are going for a modest, but solemn type of celebrations on the 1st of October, which means that they and ourselves have no expectations that we could clear up this thing before the 1st of October.
Another thing I want to assure you, that is my own feeling the pulse and through discussions, CPG (Central People’s Government) has absolutely no plan to send in the PLA. They are now doing, sort of, acts which I’m sure you’re quite aware of amongst the Communist Party, they’re just quite scared now. Because they know that the price would be too huge to pay. Maybe they don’t care about Hong Kong, but they care about ‘one country, two systems.’ They care about the country’s international profile. It has taken China a long time to build up to that sort of international profile and to have some say, not only being a big economy but a responsible big economy, so to forsake all those positive developments is clearly not on their agenda. But they’re willing to play long, they are willing to play long, so you have no short-term solution, Hong Kong suffers, you lose tourism, economy, you lose your IPOs and so, but you can’t do much about it. But after everything has been settled the country will be there to help with maybe positive measures especially in the Greater Bay Area. So our work on the Greater Bay Area has actually not stopped. We are still putting in proposals to the Greater Bay Area, especially something markets would love to hear, is a major ecological conservation plan which was drawn up by [name redacted]. She has left the government, I have brought her in on a part-time basis to draw up this ecological conservation plan for the entire Greater Bay Area in terms of biodiversity, air standards, water and so on.
So what could [name redacted] help us. Of course, every one of you has your own circle, you have your own friends, you have your own connections, you have your business contacts, so try to impress upon them that we really need to put an end to the violence, this is totally alien to Hong Kong and try to, as I said, appeal for understanding and love. We love this place, we love the people here. People used to be very peaceful and inclusive and so on. Instead of taking a position on every issue, either your friend or your foe, and so on.
When the time comes, now Hong Kong has survived the death pronounced by some people before 1997. At this point in time, although I’m actually pessimistic, but Hong Kong is not dead yet. Maybe she is very, very sick but she is not dead yet. We still have fundamentals here, we still have the nation behind us. So Hong Kong will have to go through several stages. The first is stamping out the violence, maybe doing other things in time to come which at the moment are not very available. Having gone through this stage, the next stage will be, in accordance with the bible, would be resurrection. We will need to come back to life, some life. So thereafter we want a reborn Hong Kong and a relaunching of this Hong Kong brand. [name redacted]
After her talk, Lam answered questions.
In answer to a question about the impact of the protests on schools and universities, Lam said:
Well, thank you very much [name redacted]. We will continue to help the schools. I am meeting a group of school principals within this week together with the secretary for education. Let me just answer your question in a very general way. I know certain factions in society have the feeling that we are not firm and strong enough vis-a-vis these protesters. But the difficulty is, of course, is always coming up with an argument that in the light of the majority of the public views and the people’s sentiments, this anger and this fear and so on, too strong a position of the government could be counterproductive. Although our research into overseas experiences in combating riots did require that sort of forcefulness. For example, in 2011, in Tottenham riots 15,000 rioters involved, 2,000 were arrested, 1,000 put to prison following a very quick process. From start to finish is 5-6 weeks, through special courts, night courts, 24 hours. What would you imagine to be the Chief Justice’s reaction if I were to tell him, ‘could you have special courts, night courts, in order to clear all these cases?’ We have arrested 700-plus now. So there are solutions that will be readily deployed in other countries that cannot be used in Hong Kong.
The second factor is apart from the 30,000 men and women in the force we have nothing. Really. We have nothing. I have nothing. That’s something, is something we avoid. So that means that whatever we do we have to take into full account the police assessment and reactions, so to give them some powers which they could not enforce because they’re outnumbered. They’re outnumbered not necessarily just by the violent protesters, they’re outnumbered just by people, which makes enforcement extremely difficult in terms of crowd management and crowd dispersal. So I’m not saying that we are not thinking about some of those firmer measures but just to explain to you that in the Hong Kong situation it’s very difficult, especially with the media. And this is perhaps one of Hong Kong’s weakest links, or the government’s weakest links, that we don’t have a strong enough, sort of, I wouldn’t say propaganda, I dare not say government carries out propaganda, but at least in terms of dissemination of factual information we are very, very weak. If we survive this crisis, well there will be a large number of revamping that I need to do in order to leave behind a better situation for my successor because there are so many weak parts in the government, which we have not fully realized. We did realize a bit, but we did not fully realize that it could be that bad, when we are going into, or right into, a crisis.
In answer to a suggestion from the audience related to the government’s public relations efforts:
I’m not aware of that 120-page document [name redacted]. But what I have asked for, but that is a little bit overtaken by events, that was almost a month ago, when we optimistically thought that we would have some sort of peaceful moments, that we could start to think about relaunching Hong Kong. So we sent out something by the information services department and invited eight such global PR companies, but unfortunately four immediately declined because that would be a detriment to their reputation to support the Hong Kong SAR government now, and two subsequently also turned away a request for meetings. So we’re left with two. I’m happy to meet with these two remaining personally, to see what advice they have, but their advice will only be more relevant after we have gone through this period.
This is also a very difficult moment for us because people take sides, and people are very worried about what they call this ‘white terror,’ this harassment on them. The revealing of details [in Cantonese]. And so it’s not even very difficult for us to get a production house, a design studio to do things for us, so things have to be done in-house or in the mainland. In the mainland then this causes problems. The smart lamp posts, somebody discovered that the raw parts came from a Shanghai factory and then they made a big story out of it again. But when the time comes, I certainly take up your advice that we should remove some of this bureaucracy and start talking to the people who could help, if they are willing to help.
Transcript by James Pomfret and Greg Torode in Hong Kong. Edited by Peter Hirschberg.
In the last two years, one of the policy areas that I have spent most time in is innovation and technology. Now, I actually personally chair the steering committee.
In less than three months’ time, Hong Kong has been turned upside down, and my life has been turned upside down. But this is not the moment for self-pitifulness, although I shared with [name redacted] that nowadays it’s extremely difficult for me to go out. I have not been on the streets, not in the shopping malls, can’t go to a hair salon, can’t do anything because my whereabouts will be spread around the social media, the Telegram, the LIHKG, and you could expect a big crowd of black T-shirts and black-masked young people waiting for me.
I’m still brave enough to go and this afternoon, I’m still planning to go if my security guards tell me later on that I can still go. But it’s really, I don’t want to cause disruption, inconvenience to the organizers. But as I said, this is not the time for me to self-pity myself. This is a time I come here, and I do other closed-door sessions from time to time with people from all walks of life, and the two things I said is, it’s not about self-pityness, it’s about making a plea for forgiveness and then appeal for love.
I don’t want to spend your time, or waste your time, for you to ask me what went wrong, and why it went wrong. But for a chief executive to have caused this huge havoc to Hong Kong is unforgivable. It’s just unforgivable. If I have a choice, the first thing is to quit, having made a deep apology, is to step down. So I make a plea to you for your forgiveness.
This is something that no matter how well intended, I just want to put this message across. This is not something malicious. This is not something instructed, coerced by the central government. This is out of a good intention, myself and some of my key colleagues to try to plug legal loopholes in Hong Kong’s system, very much prompted by our compassion for a single case, and this has proven to be very unwise given the circumstances. And this huge degree of fear and anxiety amongst people of Hong Kong vis-a-vis the mainland of China, which we were not sensitive enough to feel and grasp. And, of course, it has been exaggerated and misrepresented through very effective propaganda, if I may say so.
Now I want to make an appeal for love. It’s not to pity me, or to sympathize with me, but love for Hong Kong. And I’m sure [name redacted] have that strong passion and love for Hong Kong.
Then the question we need to ask, each one of us, is how to fix it, how to fix it? I have to say that I have no sort of ready solutions, because the scene changes so quickly. A week ago, we thought - ‘we’ means the core group within the government with some of our advisers – we thought that we have a relatively peaceful weekend, perhaps that’s the time to start a dialogue with sincerity, with humility, and trying to get some of Hong Kong’s fundamental issues resolved. But, unfortunately, the last two days have again totally thrown that away and we are seeing escalated violence to the degree of being insane. If you look at some of these TV footage and videos of how policemen have been attacked and so on.
But, of course, I’m sure in your hearts you will feel, and I’m sure a large number of people feel that I do have a solution, that is a political one. But I have to tell you that this is where the crux of the matter lies. Once an issue has been elevated to the situation – I’m sure [name redacted] has a better feel of that – to a national level, to a sort of sovereignty and security level, let alone in the midst of this sort of unprecedented tension between the two big economies in the world. The room, the political room for the chief executive who, unfortunately, has to serve two masters by constitution, that is the central people’s government and the people of Hong Kong, that political room for maneuvering is very, very, very limited. Because we were not trained to have that sort of national perspectives, and I could only keep on putting in what I feel is the Hong Kong situation and the Hong Kong sentiments. But whether those Hong Kong sentiments could override the national perspective and the national sentiments? I’m sure you know that now 1.4 billion mainland people already have formed a view about what is happening in Hong Kong. So, without going into a lot more details, I can only share with you discreetly that the room for me to offer a political situation in order to relieve the tension, nor to reduce the pressure on my frontline police officers in order to at least respond, or pacify the large number of peaceful protesters who are so angry with the government, with me in particular, of absolutely dead silence despite repeated participation in the protests, is what causes me the biggest sadness.
So without that, what other means we have is Hong Kong’s core value, that is the rule of law. The rule of law takes several forms, of course law enforcement, our police officers who have been suffering tremendously this time, especially on an occasion when they are supposed to celebrate 175 years of police establishment, and especially at a time when they were so proud of the crime figures which are still coming down. In fact, the first half year we still saw a drop of four percent in total crimes in Hong Kong, and that was the best seen in Hong Kong since 1972. And also they have commissioned a survey to commemorate this occasion done not by a pro-establishment group but by [name redacted], which indicated that confidence in the police after Occupy Central has rebounced to a historic high. That was the sort of background to how much the police have suffered.
So the rule of law requires law enforcement, so we have to tackle this escalating violence by arresting those offenders and then put them through the justice system, whether it’s prosecution by the Department of Justice in an impartial manner without any interference from myself or from the Central People’s government, and then finally in the courts.
With a little bit of hope that may help because we are seeing the numbers reducing. We started off by an estimate of about one to two thousand protesters who are very violent. Or put it that way, they are very willing to resort to violence. They may not be violent by nature but they are very willing to resort to violence, so, as described by one expert, this is the, sort of, early signs of anarchism, that they don’t trust the establishment, they don’t mind destroying things even if they don’t know what destruction will bring.
And if you look at yesterday’s various protests, it’s not only in the Tsuen Wan, Kwai Chung area, but then it spread to Tsim Sha Tsui, Sham Shui Po, Wong Tai Sin. Every spot of confrontations, we’re talking about 50 to 300 at least, and they, actually because they were flowing so there could be some duplicates, so we might be seeing a smaller number. Whether it’s because of the 700-plus arrests that we have made has a bit of deterrent effect, or removed some of these factions, we have not had a full analysis, but we hope that with those efforts we may be able, as I said, I’ll be very honest with you, it would be naïve for me to paint you a rosy picture, that things will be fine or I have a deadline. But I can assure you that Beijing does not have a deadline. They know this will ripple on. So we have made special arrangements and there will be a 1st of October National Day celebrations but still having a lot of disruptions. So we are going for a modest, but solemn type of celebrations on the 1st of October, which means that they and ourselves have no expectations that we could clear up this thing before the 1st of October.
Another thing I want to assure you, that is my own feeling the pulse and through discussions, CPG (Central People’s Government) has absolutely no plan to send in the PLA. They are now doing, sort of, acts which I’m sure you’re quite aware of amongst the Communist Party, they’re just quite scared now. Because they know that the price would be too huge to pay. Maybe they don’t care about Hong Kong, but they care about ‘one country, two systems.’ They care about the country’s international profile. It has taken China a long time to build up to that sort of international profile and to have some say, not only being a big economy but a responsible big economy, so to forsake all those positive developments is clearly not on their agenda. But they’re willing to play long, they are willing to play long, so you have no short-term solution, Hong Kong suffers, you lose tourism, economy, you lose your IPOs and so, but you can’t do much about it. But after everything has been settled the country will be there to help with maybe positive measures especially in the Greater Bay Area. So our work on the Greater Bay Area has actually not stopped. We are still putting in proposals to the Greater Bay Area, especially something markets would love to hear, is a major ecological conservation plan which was drawn up by [name redacted]. She has left the government, I have brought her in on a part-time basis to draw up this ecological conservation plan for the entire Greater Bay Area in terms of biodiversity, air standards, water and so on.
So what could [name redacted] help us. Of course, every one of you has your own circle, you have your own friends, you have your own connections, you have your business contacts, so try to impress upon them that we really need to put an end to the violence, this is totally alien to Hong Kong and try to, as I said, appeal for understanding and love. We love this place, we love the people here. People used to be very peaceful and inclusive and so on. Instead of taking a position on every issue, either your friend or your foe, and so on.
When the time comes, now Hong Kong has survived the death pronounced by some people before 1997. At this point in time, although I’m actually pessimistic, but Hong Kong is not dead yet. Maybe she is very, very sick but she is not dead yet. We still have fundamentals here, we still have the nation behind us. So Hong Kong will have to go through several stages. The first is stamping out the violence, maybe doing other things in time to come which at the moment are not very available. Having gone through this stage, the next stage will be, in accordance with the bible, would be resurrection. We will need to come back to life, some life. So thereafter we want a reborn Hong Kong and a relaunching of this Hong Kong brand. [name redacted]
After her talk, Lam answered questions.
In answer to a question about the impact of the protests on schools and universities, Lam said:
Well, thank you very much [name redacted]. We will continue to help the schools. I am meeting a group of school principals within this week together with the secretary for education. Let me just answer your question in a very general way. I know certain factions in society have the feeling that we are not firm and strong enough vis-a-vis these protesters. But the difficulty is, of course, is always coming up with an argument that in the light of the majority of the public views and the people’s sentiments, this anger and this fear and so on, too strong a position of the government could be counterproductive. Although our research into overseas experiences in combating riots did require that sort of forcefulness. For example, in 2011, in Tottenham riots 15,000 rioters involved, 2,000 were arrested, 1,000 put to prison following a very quick process. From start to finish is 5-6 weeks, through special courts, night courts, 24 hours. What would you imagine to be the Chief Justice’s reaction if I were to tell him, ‘could you have special courts, night courts, in order to clear all these cases?’ We have arrested 700-plus now. So there are solutions that will be readily deployed in other countries that cannot be used in Hong Kong.
The second factor is apart from the 30,000 men and women in the force we have nothing. Really. We have nothing. I have nothing. That’s something, is something we avoid. So that means that whatever we do we have to take into full account the police assessment and reactions, so to give them some powers which they could not enforce because they’re outnumbered. They’re outnumbered not necessarily just by the violent protesters, they’re outnumbered just by people, which makes enforcement extremely difficult in terms of crowd management and crowd dispersal. So I’m not saying that we are not thinking about some of those firmer measures but just to explain to you that in the Hong Kong situation it’s very difficult, especially with the media. And this is perhaps one of Hong Kong’s weakest links, or the government’s weakest links, that we don’t have a strong enough, sort of, I wouldn’t say propaganda, I dare not say government carries out propaganda, but at least in terms of dissemination of factual information we are very, very weak. If we survive this crisis, well there will be a large number of revamping that I need to do in order to leave behind a better situation for my successor because there are so many weak parts in the government, which we have not fully realized. We did realize a bit, but we did not fully realize that it could be that bad, when we are going into, or right into, a crisis.
In answer to a suggestion from the audience related to the government’s public relations efforts:
I’m not aware of that 120-page document [name redacted]. But what I have asked for, but that is a little bit overtaken by events, that was almost a month ago, when we optimistically thought that we would have some sort of peaceful moments, that we could start to think about relaunching Hong Kong. So we sent out something by the information services department and invited eight such global PR companies, but unfortunately four immediately declined because that would be a detriment to their reputation to support the Hong Kong SAR government now, and two subsequently also turned away a request for meetings. So we’re left with two. I’m happy to meet with these two remaining personally, to see what advice they have, but their advice will only be more relevant after we have gone through this period.
This is also a very difficult moment for us because people take sides, and people are very worried about what they call this ‘white terror,’ this harassment on them. The revealing of details [in Cantonese]. And so it’s not even very difficult for us to get a production house, a design studio to do things for us, so things have to be done in-house or in the mainland. In the mainland then this causes problems. The smart lamp posts, somebody discovered that the raw parts came from a Shanghai factory and then they made a big story out of it again. But when the time comes, I certainly take up your advice that we should remove some of this bureaucracy and start talking to the people who could help, if they are willing to help.
Transcript by James Pomfret and Greg Torode in Hong Kong. Edited by Peter Hirschberg.
2019年9月6日星期五
2019年8月26日星期一
2019年7月29日星期一
2019年7月26日星期五
2019年7月23日星期二
Why did I apply for a protective order to prevent the damager from Wengui Guo?
Dear Judge:
My name is Baosheng Guo and I am a US-citizen. I live with my wife Lili and our two daughters in Gainesville, Virginia, one of them is thirteen and the other is 6 years old. I am a media commentator and a Chinese dissident. In my case, The respondent and suspect is Mr.Wengui Guo, He is a Chinese billionaire and a public figure in the media, and he is an economic fugitive wanted by the Interpol, the Chinese government, as well as wanted by the Hong Kong government. Because my comments on him in social media and online newspaper, he had not only very frequently made a malicious personal attack on me and defamed me on media, but also intentionally threatened my family. I have hereby four reasons to submit as support for my application for a protective order against Mr. Wengui Guo in order to prevent my family from severe damages by Mr. Wengui Guo:
First, on September 5, 2018, the suspect posted my passport and driver’s license on his website (www.guo.media), and his followers widely reposted my passport and drivers license on the internet. His behavior obviously violated the criminal law of Virginia and the criminal law of Federal( 18 US Code §2722(a)). My lawyer has asked his lawyer many times to delete my passport and driver’s license he posted online, but he always rejected. I reported this case to Prince Willian County Police Department on March 9,2019, and the case No. on the police report is PD190008208-002.
Secondly, My friend Wei Zhang was attacked by Wengui Guo's bodyguards on July 1,2019. When I and Mr.Wei Zhang went to the Eastern District Court of Virginia in Alexandria to listen to a lawsuit between Wengui Guo and Mr. Yeliang Xia. The suspect and his bodyguards frequently looked back at us in the courtroom and they stared at us ferociously. About 11:00am, Mr. Wei Zhang went to the restroom and was attacked and controlled by Wengui Guo's four bodyguards in front of the entrance of the restroom beside the courtroom on the same floor, because Mr. Wei Zhang looks like me. Then we reported this case to an investigating DHS officer. I extremely worry that Mr. Wei Zhang’s experience will repeat on me. Mr. Wei Zhang has already come here today and he can speak as a witness.
To the Third, My friend Xianmin Xiong, a media commentator was attacked, tracked and threatened by Wengui Guo and his agents, and the front door of Mr. Xiong’s house was severely damaged through violent attacking by Mr.Wengui Guo and his agents. Mr. Xianming Xiong reported this case to the New York Police Department. I worry that Mr. Xianmin Xiong’s experience will repeat on me. Mr. Xianmin Xiong has already come here today, he can speak as a witness.
To the Forth, from May 2018 to today, Wengui Guo and his followers still keep defaming, threatening and even death threatening my family through public media and phone calls. I have translated this defamation and threatening words through certified translation companies.
1) From May 30 to Jun 2, 2018, Guo wengui's female follower called me and my wife's cell phone many times, she left more voice messages to death threat our family, like "Baosheng Guo, your family should die" "neither of your girls will get married!" "your family should die, your house is on fire! go out and get hit by a car!""Baosheng Guo, you die like a dog, go out and get hit by a car". My wife felt very scared and terrified. I have these voice messages evidence.
2) On July 1, 2018, one of Guo wengui's followers threatened Canada's female media commentator in his Twitter:" I will look for a Muslim refugee to set a bomb in her house when she goes to bed, she will sleep in the hell forever". It was said that the female media commentator reported her case to the local police, and my wife felt very scared and terrified.
3) From May 2018 to today, in his YouTube channel and Guo.media, Wengui Guo still keeps using dirty and malicious words defaming my reputation and threatening me to send me into prison. He defamed me that Baosheng Guo is a big liar, a fake pastor, a spy, a crook, beast, rotten guy, a prostitute. In addition, he said that he uses lawsuits as a weapon and let me keep staying in court and prison and let me not be able to do anything else.
4) July 13, 2019, my preliminary protective order was issued, on that day, Wengui Guo made a live stream on his YouTube channel and continue defaming and threatening me:
16: 08: he slandered me that I am the spy of China Communist party and that I am instructed by the Chinese government, and I angered him and framed him.
59:09: he defamed me that I cheat him 10000 $.
1:41:27: he threatened me that I will be claimed in 20 lawsuits by him so I will keep staying in court for a lifetime until I will be sent into prison.
2:30:00: he slandered me that I deceive many people and cheat money.
In conclusion, based on the foregoing, my family applies for the protective order in order to protect my family's safety and peace and to prevent Wengui Guo's hurt, damage and threats. This order is very important for our family and US citizen’s fundamental human rights.
Best Regards,
Baosheng Guo
7/17/2019
Note: On July 17, I got the protective order from July 3,2019 to December 17,2019.
2019年7月22日星期一
2019年7月15日星期一
2019年7月3日星期三
2019年6月30日星期日
2019年6月28日星期五
2019年6月27日星期四
2019年6月26日星期三
2019年6月25日星期二
2019年6月24日星期一
2019年6月20日星期四
2019年6月18日星期二
2019年6月15日星期六
2019年6月13日星期四
2019年6月12日星期三
2019年6月10日星期一
2019年6月9日星期日
2019年6月7日星期五
2019年6月4日星期二
郭宝胜：6月4日在台灣金門發放反共保台氣球到大陆宣言
6月4日在台灣金門發放反共保台氣球到大陆宣言
郭宝胜
中國同胞們、臺灣朋友們，大家好。今天是2019年6月4日，是1989年6月4日大屠殺30週年紀念日。我今天與反共反習大聯盟的幾位戰友來到離中國最近的地方——金門島，向中共喊話，向中國人民喊話，並用放送氣球標語的方式表達我們推翻中共暴政、保衛自由臺灣的決心。我的身後就是中國福建省廈門市。
我們選擇金門，因為這裏是自由民主社會與共產專制交鋒的最前沿，是反共的最最前線。我們要仿效六四英烈的抗爭精神，在海外反共的最前線向中共抗議。金門這個地方，也是古寧頭戰役的地方，1949年，國軍通過三天三夜的浴血奮戰,終於打敗了共軍，保住了金門，保住了自由臺灣。金門是一個戰勝共匪的地方，我們來到這裏就是要宣告暴政必亡、共匪必敗。
今天是六四30週年忌日，我們在這裏追悼30年前為中國民主運動而犧牲的英烈們，我們在離中共暴政最近的地方嚴厲斥責中共的暴行。直到今天，中共不僅不對其大屠殺暴行懺悔，而且以6月2日與4日在南海的軍事演習來應對六四30週年。這是一個赤裸裸的以暴力為統治合法性的殘暴政權，全世界人民都應該來譴責其暴行、瓦解其專制統治。
今天，世界各地都在紀念六四，除了追悼英靈，我們更好繼承的是英烈們抗暴的勇氣與鬥誌，以實際行動來結束專制瓦解專制，勇士們的血不會白流， 我們今天除了控訴專制者暴行外，最關鍵的是要千方百計推翻中共、結束專制制度。國際社會的壓力、中共內部的權鬥、民眾的抗暴運動，這三個方面的合力就能結束中共暴政，目前中共暴政在美國為首的民主自由國家在經濟、科技、地緣政治的圍堵下已經日薄西山，中共內部也因中美貿易戰發生分歧和變數，而中國民眾也應該抓住這個千載難逢的歷史機遇，群起抗暴，結束中共專制。目前，西方民主國家對中共的態度已經從戰略防禦轉入戰略反攻階段，美國已徹底改變其綏靖政策，將中共政權作為頭號敵人進行堅決的遏制和反擊。那麼，中國民眾和海內外民主運動，也應該從防禦階段進入反擊階段，主動地進行抗爭運動，主動地瓦解中共政權，開創海內外民主運動的新局面，讓中共政權在民眾抗爭下土崩瓦解。
今天，我們站在自由的土地金門，要向中共統一臺灣的圖謀說不。自習近平今年提出以一國兩制來統一臺灣的方針後，中共的文攻武嚇就更加變本加厲，以所謂的九二共識來統戰國民黨高層，有人居然信以為真、引狼入室，甚至說出：愛臺灣、古主權是廢話的胡言亂語。前不久中國政協主席汪洋居然給臺灣10多家媒體訓話，要求他們配合中共宣傳政策，在臺灣宣傳一國兩制。中共對臺灣的滲透統戰，已經達到無以復加的地步。在軍事上，中共悍然在南中國海建造了7座人工島，對臺灣形成包圍之勢，中共的航母繞臺、軍機繞臺、軍機越過海峽中線已經成為常態。中共更揚言要在建黨100週年及2021年實現祖國的所謂統一。臺灣是一個主權國家，是民主自由的聖地，是東亞的民主燈塔。臺灣的民主體制、選舉制度和自由生活方式絕不容中共侵犯。臺灣絕不能成為第二個西藏、第二個新疆、第二個香港。臺灣中國，一邊一國，兩岸兩國，臺灣人民有決定國家前途的神聖權利，臺灣絕不會在中共統戰滲透和武力威脅下屈服。
6月2日，中國國防部長魏鳳和表示，如果有人膽敢把臺灣從中國分裂出去，中國軍隊必將不惜一戰，必將不惜一切代價，絕不承諾放棄武力。同時，他說30年前中國政府在北京天安門廣場對抗議者的血腥鎮壓是「正確的」決定，六四之後中國變得更加「穩定」。我們在此對魏鳳和毫無人性和政治道德底線的言論表示嚴重抗議，他的這一言論完全是法西斯的言論，完全與地球村的普世價值背道而馳。對待法西斯，世界正義力量必須要進行有力的打擊，如同盟軍打敗德日法西斯一樣，我們要發揚古寧頭戰役精神，與自由民主的盟軍一起打敗比法西斯還要殘暴、邪惡數十倍的中共法西斯暴政。
雖然我們追求和平，但我們面對邪惡的中共政權，不得不以兩岸冷戰時代氣球宣傳的方式，表達我們的意願。我們期望這次行動能喚醒國內民眾、能鼓勵海內外所有反共力量主動反擊中共，徹底結束中共專制！
反共反習民主革命大聯盟籌委會
2019-06-04
郭宝胜
中國同胞們、臺灣朋友們，大家好。今天是2019年6月4日，是1989年6月4日大屠殺30週年紀念日。我今天與反共反習大聯盟的幾位戰友來到離中國最近的地方——金門島，向中共喊話，向中國人民喊話，並用放送氣球標語的方式表達我們推翻中共暴政、保衛自由臺灣的決心。我的身後就是中國福建省廈門市。
我們選擇金門，因為這裏是自由民主社會與共產專制交鋒的最前沿，是反共的最最前線。我們要仿效六四英烈的抗爭精神，在海外反共的最前線向中共抗議。金門這個地方，也是古寧頭戰役的地方，1949年，國軍通過三天三夜的浴血奮戰,終於打敗了共軍，保住了金門，保住了自由臺灣。金門是一個戰勝共匪的地方，我們來到這裏就是要宣告暴政必亡、共匪必敗。
今天是六四30週年忌日，我們在這裏追悼30年前為中國民主運動而犧牲的英烈們，我們在離中共暴政最近的地方嚴厲斥責中共的暴行。直到今天，中共不僅不對其大屠殺暴行懺悔，而且以6月2日與4日在南海的軍事演習來應對六四30週年。這是一個赤裸裸的以暴力為統治合法性的殘暴政權，全世界人民都應該來譴責其暴行、瓦解其專制統治。
今天，世界各地都在紀念六四，除了追悼英靈，我們更好繼承的是英烈們抗暴的勇氣與鬥誌，以實際行動來結束專制瓦解專制，勇士們的血不會白流， 我們今天除了控訴專制者暴行外，最關鍵的是要千方百計推翻中共、結束專制制度。國際社會的壓力、中共內部的權鬥、民眾的抗暴運動，這三個方面的合力就能結束中共暴政，目前中共暴政在美國為首的民主自由國家在經濟、科技、地緣政治的圍堵下已經日薄西山，中共內部也因中美貿易戰發生分歧和變數，而中國民眾也應該抓住這個千載難逢的歷史機遇，群起抗暴，結束中共專制。目前，西方民主國家對中共的態度已經從戰略防禦轉入戰略反攻階段，美國已徹底改變其綏靖政策，將中共政權作為頭號敵人進行堅決的遏制和反擊。那麼，中國民眾和海內外民主運動，也應該從防禦階段進入反擊階段，主動地進行抗爭運動，主動地瓦解中共政權，開創海內外民主運動的新局面，讓中共政權在民眾抗爭下土崩瓦解。
今天，我們站在自由的土地金門，要向中共統一臺灣的圖謀說不。自習近平今年提出以一國兩制來統一臺灣的方針後，中共的文攻武嚇就更加變本加厲，以所謂的九二共識來統戰國民黨高層，有人居然信以為真、引狼入室，甚至說出：愛臺灣、古主權是廢話的胡言亂語。前不久中國政協主席汪洋居然給臺灣10多家媒體訓話，要求他們配合中共宣傳政策，在臺灣宣傳一國兩制。中共對臺灣的滲透統戰，已經達到無以復加的地步。在軍事上，中共悍然在南中國海建造了7座人工島，對臺灣形成包圍之勢，中共的航母繞臺、軍機繞臺、軍機越過海峽中線已經成為常態。中共更揚言要在建黨100週年及2021年實現祖國的所謂統一。臺灣是一個主權國家，是民主自由的聖地，是東亞的民主燈塔。臺灣的民主體制、選舉制度和自由生活方式絕不容中共侵犯。臺灣絕不能成為第二個西藏、第二個新疆、第二個香港。臺灣中國，一邊一國，兩岸兩國，臺灣人民有決定國家前途的神聖權利，臺灣絕不會在中共統戰滲透和武力威脅下屈服。
6月2日，中國國防部長魏鳳和表示，如果有人膽敢把臺灣從中國分裂出去，中國軍隊必將不惜一戰，必將不惜一切代價，絕不承諾放棄武力。同時，他說30年前中國政府在北京天安門廣場對抗議者的血腥鎮壓是「正確的」決定，六四之後中國變得更加「穩定」。我們在此對魏鳳和毫無人性和政治道德底線的言論表示嚴重抗議，他的這一言論完全是法西斯的言論，完全與地球村的普世價值背道而馳。對待法西斯，世界正義力量必須要進行有力的打擊，如同盟軍打敗德日法西斯一樣，我們要發揚古寧頭戰役精神，與自由民主的盟軍一起打敗比法西斯還要殘暴、邪惡數十倍的中共法西斯暴政。
雖然我們追求和平，但我們面對邪惡的中共政權，不得不以兩岸冷戰時代氣球宣傳的方式，表達我們的意願。我們期望這次行動能喚醒國內民眾、能鼓勵海內外所有反共力量主動反擊中共，徹底結束中共專制！
反共反習民主革命大聯盟籌委會
2019-06-04
2019年5月2日星期四
2019年4月30日星期二
2019年4月26日星期五
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2019年4月15日星期一
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2019年4月11日星期四
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2019年4月8日星期一
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2019年3月28日星期四
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2019年3月16日星期六
郭宝胜：基督徒应如何看待新疆穆斯林及伊斯兰教
郭宝胜：基督徒应如何看待新疆穆斯林及伊斯兰教
3/13/2014
最近发生的昆明暴力袭击平民事件死伤严重、惨绝人寰，事件发生后，中国官方在第一时间就指为新疆分裂势力进行暴恐活动。一时之间，新疆维吾尔族人成为全中国人的公敌，网络上下、人人喊打。更有极端分子呼唤王震复活，杀光所有新疆维族人。接着发生的马来西亚航班失联事件中，中国政府在公布乘客名单时，故意将一个维族画家的名字打上马赛克，一时又使世人猜测到这又是一起维族介入的恐怖事件，而两位冒用被盗护照的人，也被众多媒体猜测可能是维吾尔人。
无独有偶，《法兰克福汇报》报道：正在参加两会的“姓马的伊马目（教长）从甘肃来到北京参加人大会议。戴着白头巾、流着长胡须的他很容易被误认为穆斯林——这在现在的中国首都可不是件好事：很多出租车司机不肯载他，直到他等车很久后拿出了自己的人大代表证，才有一名司机让他上了车。”文中的马教长很生气，愤怒地称拒载是对穆斯林的歧视（注1）。
如何看待这一连串的事件？如何对待作为异教的伊斯兰教信徒？如何将恐怖分子与穆斯林区别开来？这些的确是每个活在中国当下复杂政治、宗教形势下的基督徒不得不面对的问题。同情被中共长期压制的新疆维吾尔族？还是全面排斥维族等穆斯林？期望借助政权铲除伊斯兰教？还是在尊重他们宗教信仰自由的情况下，和平地给他们传福音呢？
其实这一切问题在《圣经》中早就有了答案。首先，作为基督徒，我们谴责一切形式的对平民的暴力伤害，因为平民是无辜的。《圣经》 列王记下24:4：“又因他流无辜人的血，充满了耶路撒冷。耶和华决不肯赦免”。所以对极少数维族或其他信奉伊斯兰教的人参与的针对平民的暴力恐怖活动，我们要坚决反对和抵制。
其次，在如何对待穆斯林上，我们可以效法《圣经》创世记中耶和华神如何对待以实玛利的先例。众所周知，以实玛利是人类历史上所有穆斯林的祖先，他和以撒一样都是亚伯拉罕的儿子。以撒是以色列人和基督徒的祖先，也是神所拣选和立约的那位。加拉太书4:22-24：“因为律法上记着、亚伯拉罕有两个儿子、一个是使女生的、一个是自主之妇人生的。然而那使女所生的、是按着血气生的。那自主之妇人所生的、是凭着应许生的。这都是比方。那两个妇人、就是两约。一约是出于西乃山、生子为奴、乃是夏甲”。
可见，神拣选和应许的是以撒，神在以撒和以实玛利之间只选定一个，只有以撒才是属神的后裔。所以在基督教和伊斯兰教二者之间，作为基督徒，认信的当然是基督教。基督徒绝不能相信伊斯兰教的任何内容，对伊斯兰教当然要当做异教来对待。我们要坚信只有基督徒，才是与神立约的人。正如创世记17:18-19：“亚伯拉罕对神说：但愿以实玛利活在你面前。神说，不然，你妻子撒拉要给你生一个儿子，你要给他起名叫以撒，我要与他坚定所立的约，作他后裔永远的约”。这就是神对以撒及基督徒们的拣选和他主权的命定。
但我们的神在认定基督徒才是选民的前提下，出于神无限的怜悯和大爱，对并非是选民的以实玛利及其后裔，也有很大的帮助和赐福，《圣经》中神怜悯夏甲的苦情。创世记：16:9—12：“耶和华的使者对她说：‘你回到你主母那里，服在她手下’。又说：‘我必使你的后裔极其繁多、甚至不可胜数’。并说：‘你如今怀孕要生一个儿子，可以给他起名叫以实玛利，因为耶和华听见了你的苦情。（以实玛利就是神听见的意思）他为人必像野驴。他的手要攻打人、人的手也要攻打他、他必住在众弟兄的东边’”。可见神出于怜悯不仅留下了穆斯林，也使其后代繁衍，更成为大国。如创世记：17:20：“至于以实玛利，我也应允你，我必赐福给他，使他昌盛极其繁多，他必生十二个族长，我也要使他成为大国”。
“因为祂叫日头照好人，也照歹人，降雨给义人，也给不义的人”（马太福音5:45）对待穆斯林，神也让他们繁衍、给他们普遍的祝福。因此，我们也应该尊重穆斯林的基本人权（生命、财产、宗教信仰、政治权利等），异教徒在人权、人格上，与我们是平等的，他享有任何一个公民应该享有的生命、身体健康、政治、宗教等公民权利。绝对不能因为新疆维吾尔族是伊斯兰教教徒，就可以对他们大开杀戒；也不能在共产党政权对他们进行暴力镇压时幸灾乐祸、拍手称快。我们更要谴责中共政权通过国家暴力来践踏、控制甚至灭绝新疆维族宗教信仰等基本人权的种种恶行。
早在400多年前，英国政治学家、基督徒约翰 洛克，在其著作《论宗教宽容———致友人的一封信》中指出：“任何私人都无权因为他人属于另一教会或另一宗教，就以任何方式危害其公民权利的享受。他作为一个人而享有的一切权利以及作为一个公民而享有的公民权，都是神圣不可侵犯的。这些并不是宗教事务。无论他是基督徒，还是异教徒，都不得对他使用暴力或予以伤害。不，我们不能仅仅满足于为伸张正义而采取的狭隘措施，还必须以仁爱、慈善和自由作为补充。这是福音书所指示的，理性所引导的，也是我们生而具有的自然身份要求于我们的”。（注2）
洛克在《论宗教宽容》一书中还指出：“掌管灵魂的事不可能属于民事官长，因为他的权力仅限于外部力量，而纯真的和救世的宗教则存在于心灵内部的信仰，舍此没有任何东西能够为上帝所接受。悟性的本质就在于，它不可能因外力的原因而被迫去信仰任何东西”。“监禁、酷刑和没收财产，所有这类性质的东西都不能改变人们已经形成的关于事物的内在判断。谁都不能使自己的信仰屈从于他人的指令，即便他想这样做也罢”。“真正的宗教的全部生命和动力，只在于内在的心灵里的确信，没有这种确信，信仰就不成其为信仰”。（注3）
洛克以上对宗教宽容的论述，在我们如何对待新疆维族伊斯兰教问题上启发很大。作为基督徒，相信信仰来自内心的确信，而非任何的强制力。故我们绝对不应该赞同中共政权运用国家机器和暴力，在新疆进行的践踏维族伊斯兰教信仰权利的种种恶行（注4），我们也不要把宣教的希望寄托在中共用暴力铲除伊斯兰教上，我们对穆斯林宣教时，也绝对不能借助政治权力或者其他强制力来施行。我们的宣教一定是不依附于政权的、和平的、让人心悦诚服的。我们更多地要有耶稣基督怜悯的大爱，来了解新疆穆斯林的苦情，帮助而非歧视他们。在给他们的关爱和帮助中，让他们认识到真神耶稣基督。
在昆明暴力恐怖事件后，网上流传一篇《一位新疆牧者对昆明暴徒事件的回应—— “爱才是最有力的武器”》的短文，其中写到：“撒旦藉着区区几个‘黑衣炮灰’，就已成功地引燃了民族仇恨的烈焰。要认清撒旦的诡计……‘主啊，赦免他们，因为他们所做的自己不晓得’。恨，只会挑起更多的恨。爱才是最强的武器。让仇恨的火焰熄灭。神爱每一个民族同胞，是他从一本造出万族！在被伤害的时候，主向我们要饶恕。仇恨是容易的，因为我们并不陌生，‘爱’是不容易的，因为我们里面缺乏爱。而这正是你做基督徒的记号”。
总之，作为基督徒，我们应站在神公义的立场上谴责一切形式的对平民的恐怖袭击，我们也应谴责中共政权对新疆维族宗教信仰等基本人权肆无忌惮的践踏和剥夺。我们也要站在神大爱的立场上来了解新疆维族的苦情，尊重他们的各项基本人权，绝不要歧视和苦待他们，给他们施以帮助，让耶稣基督的爱来感动他们。
注1 见德国之声中文网《中国的9.11及其后果》一文
注2见商务印书馆、汉译世界学术名著丛书 《论宗教宽容—致友人的一封信》网络电子版。
注3见商务印书馆、汉译世界学术名著丛书 《论宗教宽容—致友人的一封信》网络电子版。
注4 见《维吾尔在线报告：维吾尔族宗教自由现状》和《评新疆"非法宗教活动26种表现形式"》、《践踏宗教为新疆埋下了仇恨与暴力的种子》、《中共应反思压制宗教自由的恶果》等文章
无独有偶，《法兰克福汇报》报道：正在参加两会的“姓马的伊马目（教长）从甘肃来到北京参加人大会议。戴着白头巾、流着长胡须的他很容易被误认为穆斯林——这在现在的中国首都可不是件好事：很多出租车司机不肯载他，直到他等车很久后拿出了自己的人大代表证，才有一名司机让他上了车。”文中的马教长很生气，愤怒地称拒载是对穆斯林的歧视（注1）。
如何看待这一连串的事件？如何对待作为异教的伊斯兰教信徒？如何将恐怖分子与穆斯林区别开来？这些的确是每个活在中国当下复杂政治、宗教形势下的基督徒不得不面对的问题。同情被中共长期压制的新疆维吾尔族？还是全面排斥维族等穆斯林？期望借助政权铲除伊斯兰教？还是在尊重他们宗教信仰自由的情况下，和平地给他们传福音呢？
其实这一切问题在《圣经》中早就有了答案。首先，作为基督徒，我们谴责一切形式的对平民的暴力伤害，因为平民是无辜的。《圣经》 列王记下24:4：“又因他流无辜人的血，充满了耶路撒冷。耶和华决不肯赦免”。所以对极少数维族或其他信奉伊斯兰教的人参与的针对平民的暴力恐怖活动，我们要坚决反对和抵制。
其次，在如何对待穆斯林上，我们可以效法《圣经》创世记中耶和华神如何对待以实玛利的先例。众所周知，以实玛利是人类历史上所有穆斯林的祖先，他和以撒一样都是亚伯拉罕的儿子。以撒是以色列人和基督徒的祖先，也是神所拣选和立约的那位。加拉太书4:22-24：“因为律法上记着、亚伯拉罕有两个儿子、一个是使女生的、一个是自主之妇人生的。然而那使女所生的、是按着血气生的。那自主之妇人所生的、是凭着应许生的。这都是比方。那两个妇人、就是两约。一约是出于西乃山、生子为奴、乃是夏甲”。
可见，神拣选和应许的是以撒，神在以撒和以实玛利之间只选定一个，只有以撒才是属神的后裔。所以在基督教和伊斯兰教二者之间，作为基督徒，认信的当然是基督教。基督徒绝不能相信伊斯兰教的任何内容，对伊斯兰教当然要当做异教来对待。我们要坚信只有基督徒，才是与神立约的人。正如创世记17:18-19：“亚伯拉罕对神说：但愿以实玛利活在你面前。神说，不然，你妻子撒拉要给你生一个儿子，你要给他起名叫以撒，我要与他坚定所立的约，作他后裔永远的约”。这就是神对以撒及基督徒们的拣选和他主权的命定。
但我们的神在认定基督徒才是选民的前提下，出于神无限的怜悯和大爱，对并非是选民的以实玛利及其后裔，也有很大的帮助和赐福，《圣经》中神怜悯夏甲的苦情。创世记：16:9—12：“耶和华的使者对她说：‘你回到你主母那里，服在她手下’。又说：‘我必使你的后裔极其繁多、甚至不可胜数’。并说：‘你如今怀孕要生一个儿子，可以给他起名叫以实玛利，因为耶和华听见了你的苦情。（以实玛利就是神听见的意思）他为人必像野驴。他的手要攻打人、人的手也要攻打他、他必住在众弟兄的东边’”。可见神出于怜悯不仅留下了穆斯林，也使其后代繁衍，更成为大国。如创世记：17:20：“至于以实玛利，我也应允你，我必赐福给他，使他昌盛极其繁多，他必生十二个族长，我也要使他成为大国”。
“因为祂叫日头照好人，也照歹人，降雨给义人，也给不义的人”（马太福音5:45）对待穆斯林，神也让他们繁衍、给他们普遍的祝福。因此，我们也应该尊重穆斯林的基本人权（生命、财产、宗教信仰、政治权利等），异教徒在人权、人格上，与我们是平等的，他享有任何一个公民应该享有的生命、身体健康、政治、宗教等公民权利。绝对不能因为新疆维吾尔族是伊斯兰教教徒，就可以对他们大开杀戒；也不能在共产党政权对他们进行暴力镇压时幸灾乐祸、拍手称快。我们更要谴责中共政权通过国家暴力来践踏、控制甚至灭绝新疆维族宗教信仰等基本人权的种种恶行。
早在400多年前，英国政治学家、基督徒约翰 洛克，在其著作《论宗教宽容———致友人的一封信》中指出：“任何私人都无权因为他人属于另一教会或另一宗教，就以任何方式危害其公民权利的享受。他作为一个人而享有的一切权利以及作为一个公民而享有的公民权，都是神圣不可侵犯的。这些并不是宗教事务。无论他是基督徒，还是异教徒，都不得对他使用暴力或予以伤害。不，我们不能仅仅满足于为伸张正义而采取的狭隘措施，还必须以仁爱、慈善和自由作为补充。这是福音书所指示的，理性所引导的，也是我们生而具有的自然身份要求于我们的”。（注2）
洛克在《论宗教宽容》一书中还指出：“掌管灵魂的事不可能属于民事官长，因为他的权力仅限于外部力量，而纯真的和救世的宗教则存在于心灵内部的信仰，舍此没有任何东西能够为上帝所接受。悟性的本质就在于，它不可能因外力的原因而被迫去信仰任何东西”。“监禁、酷刑和没收财产，所有这类性质的东西都不能改变人们已经形成的关于事物的内在判断。谁都不能使自己的信仰屈从于他人的指令，即便他想这样做也罢”。“真正的宗教的全部生命和动力，只在于内在的心灵里的确信，没有这种确信，信仰就不成其为信仰”。（注3）
洛克以上对宗教宽容的论述，在我们如何对待新疆维族伊斯兰教问题上启发很大。作为基督徒，相信信仰来自内心的确信，而非任何的强制力。故我们绝对不应该赞同中共政权运用国家机器和暴力，在新疆进行的践踏维族伊斯兰教信仰权利的种种恶行（注4），我们也不要把宣教的希望寄托在中共用暴力铲除伊斯兰教上，我们对穆斯林宣教时，也绝对不能借助政治权力或者其他强制力来施行。我们的宣教一定是不依附于政权的、和平的、让人心悦诚服的。我们更多地要有耶稣基督怜悯的大爱，来了解新疆穆斯林的苦情，帮助而非歧视他们。在给他们的关爱和帮助中，让他们认识到真神耶稣基督。
在昆明暴力恐怖事件后，网上流传一篇《一位新疆牧者对昆明暴徒事件的回应—— “爱才是最有力的武器”》的短文，其中写到：“撒旦藉着区区几个‘黑衣炮灰’，就已成功地引燃了民族仇恨的烈焰。要认清撒旦的诡计……‘主啊，赦免他们，因为他们所做的自己不晓得’。恨，只会挑起更多的恨。爱才是最强的武器。让仇恨的火焰熄灭。神爱每一个民族同胞，是他从一本造出万族！在被伤害的时候，主向我们要饶恕。仇恨是容易的，因为我们并不陌生，‘爱’是不容易的，因为我们里面缺乏爱。而这正是你做基督徒的记号”。
总之，作为基督徒，我们应站在神公义的立场上谴责一切形式的对平民的恐怖袭击，我们也应谴责中共政权对新疆维族宗教信仰等基本人权肆无忌惮的践踏和剥夺。我们也要站在神大爱的立场上来了解新疆维族的苦情，尊重他们的各项基本人权，绝不要歧视和苦待他们，给他们施以帮助，让耶稣基督的爱来感动他们。
注1 见德国之声中文网《中国的9.11及其后果》一文
注2见商务印书馆、汉译世界学术名著丛书 《论宗教宽容—致友人的一封信》网络电子版。
注3见商务印书馆、汉译世界学术名著丛书 《论宗教宽容—致友人的一封信》网络电子版。
注4 见《维吾尔在线报告：维吾尔族宗教自由现状》和《评新疆"非法宗教活动26种表现形式"》、《践踏宗教为新疆埋下了仇恨与暴力的种子》、《中共应反思压制宗教自由的恶果》等文章
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